Saudis persuade Pakistan to lead the Muslim world to challenge the Taliban's warped ideology

On 10 January 2025, a three-day conference titled “Education and Empowerment of Girls in Islamic Societies: Challenges and Opportunities” was convened in Islamabad, Pakistan. Organised by the Saudi-based Muslim World League (Rabitah al-Alam al-Islami, MWL), hosted by the Pakistani government, and coordinated with the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the event brought together Islamic scholars, policymakers, and civil society representatives to address one of the most pressing issues facing Islamic societies today: the education and empowerment of girls and gender equality.

The conference culminated in the Islamabad Declaration, a landmark document that unequivocally affirms girls’ education as not only an unalienable right but also an obligation (fard/farz) under Islamic law. This paper analyses the conference’s outcomes, its geopolitical implications for the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the challenges ahead in implementing its vision.

Saudi Arabia’s Modernisation Agenda: Vision 2030

The Islamabad conference must be understood within the broader context of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, a comprehensive reform agenda spearheaded by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). Vision 2030 seeks to modernise Saudi Arabia’s political, economic, social, and intellectual landscape, reshaping its global image and fostering a more progressive interpretation of Islam. The conference, as announced by Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, was held at the request of MBS, underscoring Saudi Arabia’s growing influence in shaping Islamic discourse on gender and education. By aligning itself with this initiative, Pakistan not only bolstered its existing strategic ties with Saudi Arabia but also positioned itself as a key player in advancing gender equality within the Muslim world. As a newly elected non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (starting January 2025), Pakistan is poised to present the Islamabad Declaration to the UN, potentially elevating it to a global policy framework. This plan became evident during the speeches of Prime Minister Sharif and the MWL delegation at the conference. This move could further isolate groups like the Taliban, whose restrictive policies on girls’ education stand in stark contrast to the Declaration’s principles.

The Islamabad Declaration: A Theological and Policy Framework

The Islamabad Declaration represents a bold theological and policy statement. On the first day of the conference, Islamic scholars from the Muslim World League’s Fiqh Council and the International Academy of Islamic Fiqh (affiliated with the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) declared that girls’ education is not merely a right but a religious obligation (fard/farz). They asserted that any group or individual opposing this principle is outside the fold of the Muslim community, effectively delegitimising extremist interpretations of Islam that deny girls access to education. In the presence of the Pakistani Prime Minister and the Chair of the OIC, Hissein Brahim Taha, the Secretary-General of the Muslim World League (MWL), Sheikh Dr Mohammed Al-Issa, elaborated on this further in his speech. He argued that the religious scholars (ulema), of the Muslim community (jamaat), have reached a consensus (ijma) that girls’ education is not only a fundamental right but also a religious duty for states to ensure its provision to the community. He maintained that any individual or group that says otherwise falls outside the community of Muslims. In other words, those who disagree with girls’ education are outside the jamaat of Islam or are khawarij. The Declaration, signed by the Secretary-Generals of the Muslim World League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), was formally adopted on the second day. It calls for the establishment of a permanent council under the Muslim World League to oversee its implementation, including securing financial resources and monitoring progress. This institutional framework signals a commitment to translating theological consensus into actionable policy, a critical step in addressing the systemic barriers to girls’ education in Islamic societies, with possible long-term implications for the issue of gender equality in Islamic societies.

The Islamabad Conference and Girls’ Education in Afghanistan

Notably, Afghanistan’s representation at the conference was limited to a single participant: the founder and Executive Director of the UK-registered Mosaic Foundation focused on Afghanistan. This absence is emblematic of the Taliban’s isolation on the global stage and their rejection of progressive interpretations of Islam. The Taliban’s insistence on their own interpretation of Islamic law (Sharia), which denies girls access to secondary and higher education, places them at odds with the global consensus (ijma) articulated in the Islamabad Declaration.

The conference provided a platform to amplify the voices of Afghanistan’s women and girls. The lack of broader representation from Afghanistan, however, underscores the challenges of engaging with the de facto authorities, the Taliban, who remain entrenched in their ideological stance. For Afghanistan’s opponents of the Taliban — if it is the civil resistance or the armed resistance — however, the Declaration offers a powerful tool to challenge the Taliban’s legitimacy — chiefly their use of Islam as a mere tool to rule over the diverse communities of Afghanistan — and advocate for change.

In August 2021, when the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan fell and the Taliban took over, the latter banned education for girls beyond the sixth grade and university education for women. This is consistent with the Taliban’s policies during their first rule from 1996 to 2001, despite their promises that they had undergone change.

Implications for the Taliban: An Illegitimate, Khawarij Group?

In 1994, the Taliban emerged on the scene in Afghanistan, utilising the language of Islam and Pashtun grievances to wage war against the then Islamic government led by Burhanuddin Rabbani, one of the leaders of the mujahideen fighting against the Soviet Union. The Taliban took over Kabul in 1996, and the mujahideen government retreated to northeast Afghanistan, waging a fierce resistance against the Taliban, Al-Qaida, and other regional terror groups. During their resistance from 1996 to 2001, under the legendary anti-Soviet commander Ahmad Shah Massoud, the mujahideen government saw the Taliban and its allies as proxies of the Pakistani Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI). Two days before the 9/11 attacks in the US, organised by Al-Qaida and aided by the Taliban, Massoud was assassinated by two terrorists posing as journalists.

In response to 9/11, the US and NATO intervened in Afghanistan, and the Taliban were defeated by the resistance forces, aided by US bombardments. Assisted by the international community, a new government and political system were established in Afghanistan. The Taliban regrouped in Pakistan and continued waging their war against the republic (2001–2021) in Afghanistan, using the language of Islam and exploiting Pashtun grievances. During this period, both the republican government of Afghanistan and international forces, including US top officials, repeatedly blamed Pakistan for providing sanctuary, training, and logistical and financial assistance to the Taliban groups waging war against Kabul. Eventually, the republican system fell apart in August 2021, and again the second resistance against the Taliban begun in Panjshir, led my Ahmad Massoud, the son of Ahmad Shah Massoud. Besides, there has been a strong civil resistance, chiefly by women, against the Taliban as well.

The Islamabad Declaration, which indirectly deems the Taliban’s interpretation of Islam outside the consensus (ijma) of the Islamic community (jamaat), mobilises the entire Islamic societies against the Taliban’s understanding of Islam. In addition, it also suggests a possible change in policy by the Pakistani establishment, which has supported the group for three decades. If this is true, these two changes could prove devastating for the Taliban. The turning of the Islamic world against the Taliban and calling it an illegitimate and khawarij group is unprecedented. Here, khawarijmeans those who fall outside the jamaat of Islam. Secondly, if the Pakistani establishment changes its outlook towards the Taliban, it would mean the loss of a strategic key ally in the region for the latter. The Taliban opposition can use these two changes in their favour in the medium and long-run.

Challenges and Opportunities: A Path Forward

While the Islamabad Declaration represents a significant step forward, its implementation will face numerous challenges. These include:

Theological Resistance: Groups like the Taliban and other fundamentalist factions may reject the Declaration’s interpretation of Islam, perpetuating ideological divides.

Resource Constraints: Ensuring adequate funding and infrastructure for girls’ education in resource-limited settings will require sustained international support.

Political Will: The success of the Declaration hinges on the commitment of participating governments to prioritise girls’ education and empowerment.

Despite these challenges, the Declaration offers a unique opportunity to reframe the discourse on girls’ education within an Islamic context, leveraging theological consensus to drive policy change. Its submission to the UN Security Council could further institutionalise its principles, creating a global framework for action.

A Call for Comprehensive Solutions

Pakistan's role in mobilising the Islamic world against the Taliban is something that needs to be monitored closely considering it's historic support for violent Jihad against its neighbours. Is it being influenced by Gulf states or is it in response to border conflicts with the Taliban?

The Islamabad conference highlighted the complexities of addressing girls’ education, gender equality, and women’s empowerment in Islamic societies. While the Islamabad Declaration provides a robust theological and policy foundation, it is not a panacea. Afghanistan’s multilayered crises, for instance, require comprehensive solutions that address political, ethnic, and religious diversity, which reinforces geopolitical challenges. In a post-Taliban situation, there is a need for a fair mechanism to ensure an inclusive national dialogue involving all factions to address multilayered crises the country faces. This is essential to achieving lasting change. As the international community, especially Islamic communities, rallies behind the Islamabad Declaration, it must also recognise the need for context-specific approaches that respect the unique challenges and opportunities within each society. Only through sustained collaboration and commitment can the vision of the Islamabad conference be realised, ensuring that every girl has the opportunity to learn, grow, and thrive. The Taliban are the antithesis to a new wave of moderation in the Muslim world. A world that empowers women and embraces change.